Gujarat Samachar: A Legacy of Criticism and the Threat to Media Freedom

The recent raids on the offices of Gujarat Samachar, a leading Gujarati daily, and the arrest of co-owner Bahubali Shah have raised serious questions about the government's motives and the future of media freedom in Gujarat.

Media FreedomNarendra ModiGujarat RiotsGujarat SamacharBahubali ShahReal Estate NewsMay 18, 2025

Gujarat Samachar: A Legacy of Criticism and the Threat to Media Freedom

Real Estate News:This week’s raids by the Income Tax Department and the Enforcement Directorate on the offices of Gujarat Samachar, a leading Gujarati daily, along with the arrest of co-owner Bahubali Shah, have once again raised serious doubts about the government’s motives. It is no secret that this administration has little tolerance for dissent. The prime minister’s occasional nods to freedom of expression do little to change that reality. The raids and Shah’s arrest on Thursday (he was granted interim bail on medical grounds the next day) are said to be related to an old case. In an ideal situation, such matters would be judged solely on their merit. But considering how often this government has turned investigative agencies into political instruments, one cannot help but wonder if other factors are at play – especially Gujarat Samachar’s longstanding criticism of Modi, despite its recent mellowing. A Legacy in Print Gujarat Samachar began its journey in 1932 as an extension of the Gujarati weekly Prajabandhu, which had been launched by the Thakore family. By 1940, it had been transformed into a public limited company, Lok Prakashan Limited. With a nationalist spirit and big dreams, the owners bought land and erected a state-of-the-art building. It included one of the few elevators in Ahmedabad in 1950. The new building was officially opened by Devdas Gandhi, Mahatma Gandhi’s son and an editor of the Hindustan Times. However, financial overreach forced the Thakore family to relinquish control of the publication. By 1952, Shantilal Shah, who regularly visited the Gujarat Samachar office as the owner of an advertising agency, had gathered resources and gained gradual control of the company. Former owner Indravadan Thakore relocated to Bangalore, where he took up a managerial role at the Deccan Herald. For a time, Gujarat Samachar was packaged along with the company’s celebrated children’s weekly, Zagmag, famous for the captivating stories of writer Jivram Joshi. Among his most beloved series in Zagmag was “Miya Fusaki”, a tale highlighting the friendship between the boastful yet impoverished Miya Fusaki and his Brahmin companion, Tabha Bhatt. This portrayal of friendship carries a sharp irony when viewed against the backdrop of Gujarat Samachar’s coverage during the 2002 Gujarat violence, which a report of a fact-finding mission of the Editors Guild of India described as “provocative [and] irresponsible”. A Media Powerhouse Until 1962, Gujarat Samachar upheld a tradition of journalist-editors, a legacy that came to an end when its last editor, Kapilray Mehta, stopped attending the office due to his advancing age. After his departure, owner Shantilal Shah took over the editorial responsibilities, according to the book Aath Columnni Aalam, edited by Bela Thakar. He later brought his sons, Shreyans Shah and Bahubali Shah, into the fold. Shreyans Shah’s wife, Smriti – who died in April after a prolonged illness – also became actively involved in business operations. Regarded as an urban, elite publication, Gujarat Samachar stood in sharp contrast to its rival, Sandesh, which had a strong foothold in rural Gujarat. The two dominated Gujarati journalism, steering its course in ways that were often contentious. Neither could be credited with upholding the highest standards of journalistic integrity. Yet, under Shreyans Shah’s editorial leadership, Gujarat Samachar adopted an anti-establishment stance as a business strategy, using tactics that were sometimes fair, sometimes, claimed its critics, not. With its influence extending across Gujarat, the newspaper was more than a news outlet; it was a force in the state’s political arena. Careers could be made or undone by its editorial choices, and readers relished the paper’s gladiatorial battles – while rivals watched, envious. It was the paper of Ellis Bridge and Paldi, the upscale enclaves of old Ahmedabad, where competitors schemed relentlessly to crack its stronghold. The impact and legacy of Gujarat Samachar have been deeply shaped by Shreyans Shah’s sharp instincts – his exceptional ability to weave together journalism, business interests, and public sentiment with remarkable finesse. He stands out as one of the sharpest Gujarati editors I have known and worked with. During my eight-year stint as a staff columnist (2008-2015), I witnessed Shreyans Shah’s journalistic acumen firsthand. He personally reviewed news stories, suggested additions, and even called sources at night for additional details. His headlines were sharp and direct, never indulging in wordplay for its own sake – often leaving rivals unsettled. During the 1985 Gujarat riots, the Gujarat Samachar office was set on fire, reportedly due to Chief Minister Madhavsinh Solanki’s growing frustration with the paper’s relentless criticisms – some justified, others veering into personal attacks on the Congress leader. It was a devastating setback, forcing the publication to halt for about a week. Yet, true to its spirit, the paper emerged stronger than ever. Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi visited its office during his trip to Gujarat. Generous financial compensation was ensured, and the newspaper reestablished as an even more formidable force. The Modi Conundrum The relentless criticism of Chief Minister Keshubhai Patel of the Bharatiya Janata Party in the state’s newspapers – including the Gujarat Samachar – after the 2001 earthquake created the perfect political storm that enabled Narendra Modi to secure Gujarat’s top job. However, his relationship with Gujarat Samachar quickly soured and never truly recovered. While Modi’s popularity surged, the paper remained defiant, refusing to tone down its criticism – even poking fun at him at times. His consecutive electoral victories did little to deter its editorial stance. At one point, the renowned Ram Kathakar, Morari Bapu, attempted to broker peace between the mukhya mantri (chief minister) and the mukhya tantri (the chief editor). But the truce was short-lived. Gujarat Samachar would occasionally align with the government’s messaging, especially during Vibrant Gujarat summits, publishing supportive banner headlines. Yet, it always found ways to maintain its anti-establishment stance. The Shah brothers, Shreyans Shah and Bahubali Shah, have had their share of run-ins with the law. Their business and journalistic practices resist simplistic categorisation; their methods reflect shades of both ambition and controversy. Given their past friction with political power, many expected eventual retaliation. For more than two decades, no substantial action was taken – until now. The pressing question is: why has the crackdown finally begun? Speculation abounds. One widely circulated assumption suggests that Gujarat Samachar is being lined up for a takeover by a mega corporation, mirroring the NDTV acquisition – an attempt to silence a longtime critic, even one whose sharp edges have dulled over time. Others believe the government is genuinely pursuing misdeeds under the guise of justice, but with a streak of political vengeance. The Shah brothers, well into their 70s, are navigating challenging times – resisting with resolve and wrapping their resistance in the rhetoric of defending free speech.